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alb3637237 Marble-top table. Culture: Italian, Florence. Designer: Theophil Hansen (Danish, Copenhagen 1813-1891 Vienna). Dimensions: Height (stand): 30 1/2 in. (77.5 cm); Diameter (table top): 51 in. (129.5 cm). Founder: Cast by Hagenmeyer. Maker: Stand executed by Heinrich Dübell (active ca. 1853-80). Manufactory: Top executed at Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Florence, Italy. Modeler: Bronze sculptures modeled by Josef Dollischek (active 1865-72). Date: ca. 1855-60.When this table arrived at the Metropolitan, it was thought to have been made in Florence about 1880; however, Museum curator James Parker pointed out that the "stand for the table top, which does not resemble [1880s] Italian work, was probably made at about the same time in Vienna, where both table top and stand were in the early years of the twentieth century."[1]Recent research has focused on the stand; the quality of its design and the subtle execution point to Theophil (Theophilus Edvard) Hansen, one of the most important architects of the second half of the nineteenth century. After studying at the Academy in Copenhagen, Hansen won a scholarship in 1838 and traveled to Berlin, where he became an admirer of architect and designer Karl Friedrich Schinkel's work (see the catalogue entries for acc. nos. 1996.30 and 2000.189). Following a stay in Munich, Hansen embarked on a study tour of Italy and Greece, before settling in Vienna in 1846. There he helped construct several public buildings, including the museum of arms and armor at the Viennese arsenal. Hansen soon became one of the most sought-after architects in the Austrian capital. Together with Friedrich von Schmidt and Heinrich von Ferstel, he was part of the triumvirate that dominated Viennese architecture in the 1860s and 1870s.[2] During these years he created the Wiener Stil (Vienna Style), a distinguished and elegant interpretation of High Renaissance art. He also helped design the famous boulevard known as the Ringstrasse. After the Austrian Parliament (1873-83), Hansen's best-known creation may be the imposing Golden Hall at the Vienna Musikverein, of 1867-69, in which the Vienna Philharmonic performs its annual concert on New Year's Day, an event that has been televised around the world for decades and has acquainted millions of music lovers with Hansen's magnificent architecture.During the 1860s Hansen was mainly concerned with the interior decoration of two grand Viennese houses, the Palais Todesco and the Palais Epstein and Ephrussi. His patrons were wealthy men who wanted to showcase their possessions (which symbolized their accomplishments) in the artistically decorated reception rooms of their splendid mansions.[3] The owner of the Palais Todesco, like his colleagues S. M. von Rothschild and Baron Jonas Königswarter, was a powerful Austrian banker and member of the Vienna stock exchange.[4] These elites moved in what has been called a "second society,"[5] a different world from that of the old Austrian aristocracy. Wealth was its basis, and its lifeblood was the practice of unregulated capitalism. In the private office of Eduard Todesco, directly over his desk, was a fresco, The Allegory of Trading. For this sophisticated patron of art, wealth was not only the means to acquire the beautiful things that he wanted but an aspect of his identity.[6]The Museum's table stood in one of the most important public rooms in the Palais Todesco, the Salon, which was located between the Ballroom and the much smaller Boudoir.[7] The Salon was the scene of intimate concerts, as is suggested by the music-making putti on the table's base, and on occasion served as a drawing room where the ladies played cards and socialized while the gentlemen visited the Billiards Room to enjoy smoking, alcoholic beverages, and other amusements. The eight floral compositions on the tabletop probably marked the places of participating card players. The table is part of an ensemble that was specifically created for the Salon by Hansen. In 1866 the suite was described as one of Hansen's finest creations in the "modern" style.[8] The unifying elements are the vase-shaped legs of the chairs and table and the bronze figures decorating them.[9] Not much is known about the Viennese court cabinetmaker Heinrich Dübell, who made the stand; some very diverse furniture by him exists, documenting his workshop's flexibility.[10]The Opificio delle Pietre Dure, the stone-workers' manufactory that made the top, was founded in 1588 by the Medici family in Florence. Late Renaissance tables by the Opificio with pietre dure (hardstone mosaic) tops supported on carved-wood vase-shaped stands with putti decoration could have influenced Hansen.[11] The 1860s, when the table is first recorded, were years of dramatic political change on the Italian peninsula. Tuscany had been ruled by the house of Hapsburg-Lorraine since 1765. After the uprising under Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882), Grand Duke Ferdinand IV of Hapsburg-Toscana had to leave Tuscany, which became part of a unified Italy. It is likely that this tabletop was bought shortly before 1860, possibly as a souvenir of some northern visitor's grand tour; many travelers purchased the famous pietre dure panels and had them mounted on stands as console or center tables by cabinetmakers at home. A similar eclectic table is depicted in a portrait of Emperor Francis I of Austria (1768-1835) by Friedrich von Amerling (1803-1887),[12] and there exist several examples of pietre dure tops on later stands in the Chinese (Blue) Salon at Schönbrunn Palace, in Vienna.[13][Wolfram Koeppe 2006]Footnotes:[1] The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Notable Acquisitions, 1982-1983. New York, 1983, p. 36 (entry by James Parker). Parker was following a remark of the donor to Olga Raggio, then the chairman of the Department of European Sculpture and Decorative Arts.[2] George Niemann and Ferdinand Fellner von Feldegg. Theophilos Hansen und seine Werke. Vienna, 1893, p. 114. See also Renate Wagner-Rieger and Mara Reissberger. Theophil von Hansen. Die Wiener Ringstrasse, Bild einer Epoche 8, pt. 4. Wiesbaden, 1980.[3] Eva B. Ottillinger and Lieselotte Hanzl. Kaiserliche Interieurs: Die Wohnkultur des Wiender Hofes im 19. Jahrhundert und die Wiener Kunstgewerbereform. Museen des Mobiliendepots 3. Vienna, 1997, p. 357.[4] Renate Wagner-Rieger and Mara Reissberger. Theophil von Hansen. Die Wiener Ringstrasse, Bild einer Epoche 8, pt. 4. Wiesbaden, 1980, pp. 240-41.[5] Eva B. Ottillinger and Lieselotte Hanzl. Kaiserliche Interieurs: Die Wohnkultur des Wiender Hofes im 19. Jahrhundert und die Wiener Kunstgewerbereform. Museen des Mobiliendepots 3. Vienna, 1997, p. 357.[6] Renate Wagner-Rieger and Mara Reissberger. Theophil von Hansen. Die Wiener Ringstrasse, Bild einer Epoche 8, pt. 4. Wiesbaden, 1980, p. 241.[7] Ibid., p. 219.[8] Gewerbehalle (Stuttgart), no. 2 (1866); cited in Eva B. Ottillinger and Lieselotte Hanzl. Kaiserliche Interieurs: Die Wohnkultur des Wiender Hofes im 19. Jahrhundert und die Wiener Kunstgewerbereform. Museen des Mobiliendepots 3. Vienna, 1997, pp. 357, 359.[9] Eva B. Ottillinger and Lieselotte Hanzl. Kaiserliche Interieurs: Die Wohnkultur des Wiender Hofes im 19. Jahrhundert und die Wiener Kunstgewerbereform. Museen des Mobiliendepots 3. Vienna, 1997, pp. 356, 357, figs. 211-13.[10] On Dübell, see Georg Himmelheber. Die Kunst des deutschen Möbels: Möbel and Vertäfelungen des deutschen Sprachraums von den Anfängen bis zum Jugendstil. Vol. 3, Klassizismus, Historismus, Jugendstil. 2nd ed. Munich, 1983, p. 281, n. 484, figs. 708, 711, 848, 850, 879, 894. For the sculptor Josef Dollischek, see Alois Kieslinger. Die Steine der Wiener Ringstrasse: Ihre Technische und Künstlerische Bedeutung. Die Wiener Ringstrasse, Bild einer Epoche 4. Wiesbaden, 1972.[11] La collezione Chigi Saracini di Siena: Per una storia del collezionismo italiano. Exh. cat., Palazzo del Te, Mantua. Florence, 2000, p. 145.[12] Georg Kugler. Schloss Schönbrunn: Die Prunkräume. Vienna, 1995, p. 66.[13] Ibid., pp. 110-11; for similar pietre dure compositions, see Anna Maria Giusti, Paolo Mazzoni, and Annapaula Pampaloni Martelli. Il Museo dell'Opificio delle Pietre Dure a Firenze. Gallerie e musei di Firenze. Milan, 1978, figs. 19, 22, 24, 27, 28, 29-31, 34-37, 197-221; and Claudio Paolini, Alessandra Ponte, and Ornella Selvafolta. Il bello "ritrovato": Gusto, ambienti, mobili dell'Ottocento. Novara, 1990, p. 452. Museum: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA.

alb3627677 Side chair. Culture: British. Designer: George Edmund Street (British, 1824-1881 London). Dimensions: Overall (confirmed): 34 3/4 × 17 × 19 in. (88.3 × 43.2 × 48.3 cm). Manufacturer: Gillow & Co.. Date: ca. 1880.The chair was designed for the London Law Courts by the English architect, George Edmund Street, a leading practitioner of the Victorian Gothic Revival who specialized in ecclesiastical work. However, his best-known project was the Law Courts (now the Royal Courts of Justice) in the Strand, London, for which a competition was conducted in 1866-67. The construction did not begin until 1874, however, and was only completed in 1882, a year after Street's death. The building was considered an artistic milestone and The Times predicted in 1867 that it would be "a perpetual monument of English art as understoof and practiced in the latter half of the 19th century." The design of the building beautifucall illustrates that a picturesque Gothic style could be used for a modern secular building.Street also designed much of the furniture for the more important rooms in the building, which was manufactured by several companies, Holland and Sons; Gillows & Company; Jackson and Graham; Collison and Lock and George Trollope and Sons.The design of the chair is eclectic in nature since it combines elements borrowed from the Gothic tradition (such as the splat shaped as a linen-fold panel) with others derived (but modified) from the ancient Greek Klismos chair (such as the slender surving legs and the broad horizontal top rail).The chair was manufactured by Gillows & Co, a furniture making firm in Lancaster, as is indicated by the stamp underneath the back seat rail. The Gillow & Co stamp was used towards the end of the nineteenth century. L, followed by a serial number, was introduced during the 1870s.Established around 1730 by Robert Gillow, member of an old Catholic family, the firm continued throughout the nineteenth century and had a reputation for its high quality pieces for the middle and upper classes, wealthy London clients and provincial landowners. By 1900, it was supplying complete interior decorating schemes. The firm continued as a family firm until 1903 when it was taken over by Waring of Liverpool and became known as Waring and Gillow. Museum: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA.

alb3605637 Cabinet (Fassadenschrank). Culture: German, Nuremberg. Dimensions: Overall: H. 104 x W. 84 x D. 30 1/4 in. (264.2 x 213.4 x 76.8 cm); Field measurement: H. 102 5/8 x W. 89 1/4 x D. 28 1/2 in. at mid-height (cornice wider). Date: early 17th century.During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Central Europe, the term "woodworker" did not define a single trade. Instead, there were cabinetmakers and chairmakers, each represented by their own guild. The lathe-turned parts of wooden furniture could not be made in the shop but had to be bought from members of an independent turners' guild and the hardware ordered from a master blacksmith. This complex system had been developed to protect guild members from outside competition and to guarantee them a minimum wage. Each master--that is, each qualified member of a guild--was allowed to employ only two journeymen and one or sometimes two apprentices. Only the artisans who worked for one of the many courts of the scattered German territorial states were exempt from these regulations.[1]Apprentices in the extremely conservative cabinetmakers' guild were required to create a masterpiece, or chef d'oeuvre, of highly complicated design in order to qualify as a master. The guilds in different German towns--from the free imperial cities of Augsburg and Nuremberg in southern Germany to the urban strongholds of the Hanseatic League in the north--had diverse requirements for masterpieces. Nor were all the candidates for mastership in a given guild treated equally in this respect. A "foreign" journeyman--and in the patchwork configuration of states in the Holy Roman Empire, that might mean a man born a stone's throw from the boundary lines of the region under a guild's control--often had to produce a more elaborate and costlier masterpiece than a local applicant for membership. A guild member's son or son-in-law or the prospective husband of a master's widow, all of whom were likely to acquire an already established workshop, were also assigned an easier task.[2] The cabinet piece not only had to demonstrate the design skills of the journeyman and his acquaintance with the architectural theory of the period[3]--for the practice of imitating architecture in furniture was widespread in Germany--but also had to show his mastery of joinery. Sometimes the assignment even included producing a simple structure, such as a window frame. The candidates had to invest money to buy the materials they needed and were unable to earn anything during the time they spent working on the piece. In most cases they were forced to sell their high-quality masterpiece immediately after presenting it to the aldermen of the guild, in order to pay city taxes, to cover entrance contributions to various guild funds, and to raise capital to establish their own business.We do not know if the Museum's splendid cupboard was a masterpiece; certainly it represents a tour de force of cabinetmaking. This type of cupboard with an architectural front (hence its German name, Fassadenschrank--literally, "facade cabinet") became popular in Germany during the late Gothic period. The Museum's example clearly reflects Italian Renaissance palace architecture of the sixteenth century. Certain carved elements on the pediments and in the niches and also the hardware ornaments indicate that it should be dated to the early seventeenth century, although its form in general would suggest the period between 1550 and 1575. It consists of a drawer-podium supporting a two-door cabinet, and at the top a hollow cornice. The form developed from the simple idea of placing two similar chests on top of each other to create an optical unit.[4] Characteristic details are the heavy wrought-iron handles, two on each side, which made it possible to dismantle the object quickly in case of fire.[5]The cupboard's majestic appearance derives from its balanced proportions, and its visual interest lies in architectural details such as the projecting and recessed components of the front and the use of woods of different colors and grain, which evoke the marble slabs on Renaissance facades.[6] When new, these woods must have offset each other to an even more striking effect. Unusual is the pretzel shape of the handles.Large cupboards were often built to contain a bride's linens. The long pine shelves of this one are marked with numbers (from one through thirty-one) to indicate exactly where rolls of fabric or folded items should be placed.[7]This Fassadenschrank and a related cupboard were among the first pieces of Central European furniture to enter the Metropolitan Museum, and they remain the most important examples of their type in North American museums.[8][Wolfram Koeppe 2006]Footnotes:[1] Michael Stürmer. "'Bois des Indes' and the Economics of Luxury Furniture in the Time of David Roentgen." Burlington Magazine 120 (December 1978), p. 800; Michael Stürmer. Handwerk und höfische Kultur: Europäische Möbelkunst im 18. Jahrhundert, Munich, 1982; Michael Stürmer. Herbst des alten Handwerks: Meister, Gesellen und Obrigkeit im 18. Jahrhundert. Serie Piper 515. Munich, 1986; Christopher Wilk, ed. Western Furniture, 1350 to the Present Day, in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. London, 1996, pp. 84, 98 (entries by Sarah Medlam; the two German cabinets she discusses are eighteenth-century; however, the guild situation had not changed since the late medieval period).[2] Douglas Ash. "Gothic." In World Furniture: An Illustrated History, ed. Helena Hayward, pp. 26-24. New York, 1965, p. 34, fig. 86; Hans Huth. "Renaissance: Germany and Scandinavia." In World Furniture: An Illustrated History, ed. Helena Hayward, pp. 47-52. New York, 1965, p. 48, fig. 136 (dated 1541); Peter Wilhelm Meister. "The Eighteenth Century: Germany." In World Furniture: An Illustrated History, ed. Helena Hayward, New York, 1965, p. 146, fig. 572; Heinrich Kreisel. Die Kunst des deutschen Möbels: Möbel und Vertäfelungen des deutschen Sprachraums von den Anfängen bis zum Jugendstil. Vol. I, Von den Anfängen bis zum Hochbarock. Munich, 1968, pp. 74-76, 180-85, figs. 91, 93, 101, 142-51, 389, 390; Wolfram Koeppe. "Vergessene Meisterwerke deutscher Möbelkunst: Die Meisterstücke der Breslauer Schreinerzunft im 18. Jahrhundert." Kunst & Antiquitäten, 1991, no. 4, pp. 38-45; Wolfram Koeppe. Die Lemmers-Danforth-Sammlung Wetzlar: Europäische Wohnkultur aus Renaissance und Barock. Heidelberg, 1992, pp. 118, 157-59, 162-64, 168, 192-94, nos. M52, M88, M92, M97, color ills. pp. 190, 192, 242; and John Morley. The History of Furniture: Twenty-five Centuries of Style and Design in the Western Tradition. Boston, 1999, p. 74, fig. 129.[3] The ten-part treatise De Architectura (after 17 B.C.) by the Roman architect Vitruvius Pollio was very influential. It had been reissued in Latin in 1485 in Rome by Giovanni Sculpicio. One of the best-known editions north of the Alps was Sebastiano Serlio's treatise Regole generali di architettura sopra le cinque maniere de gli edifici published in 1537 in Venice and translated into German in 1542; Hubertus Günther. Deutsche Architekturtheorie zwischen Gotik und Renaissance. With contributions by Michael Bode et al. Darmstadt, 1988. Another important German translation of Vitruvius's De Architectura, with added illustrations, was Vitruvius Teutsch by Walther Hermann Ryff (Rivius) of Nuremberg (ca. 1500-after 1545), published in 1548. Ryff, who added his own commentary, dedicated the work "to all artistic craftsmen, foremen, stonecutters, builders, headgear makers and gunsmiths,...painters, sculptors, goldsmiths, cabinetmakers, and all who have to use the compass and the guiding ruler in an artistic manner." Thus, Ryff intended his publication not for a small circle of humanist connoisseurs but for practicing craftsmen, including the makers of fine furniture; see Ingrid Dann. "Walther Ryff." In Hubertus Günther. Deutsche Architekturtheorie zwischen Gotik und Renaissance. With contributions by Michael Bode et al. Darmstadt, 1988, pp. 79-88, especially p. 81.[4] Franz Windisch-Graetz. Möbel Europas von der Romanik bis zur Spätgotik. Munich, 1982, p. 265, no. 238; Wolfram Koeppe. Die Lemmers-Danforth-Sammlung Wetzlar: Europäische Wohnkultur aus Renaissance und Barock. Heidelberg, 1992, pp. 157-59, no. M88, color ill. p. 190.[5] For similar cabinets, see Peter Wilhelm Meister and Hermann Jedding, eds. Das schöne Möbel im Laufe der Jahrhunderte. Heidelberg, 1958, fig. 101; Margrit Bauer, Peter Märker, and Annaliese Ohm. Europäische Möbel von der Gotik bis zum Jugendstil. Museum für Kunsthandwerk. Frankfurt am Main, 1976, figs. 17, 18 (the captions to these two illustrations are in reverse positions); Franz Windisch-Graetz. Möbel Europas: Renaissance und Manierismus, vom 15. Jahrhundert bis in die erste Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Munich, 1983, pp. 356-57, nos. 213, 294; and Wolfram Koeppe. Die Lemmers-Danforth-Sammlung Wetzlar: Europäische Wohnkultur aus Renaissance und Barock. Heidelberg, 1992, pp. 117-18, no. M52, color ill. p. 183.[6] Erik Forssman. Säule und Ornament: Studien zum Problem des Manierismus in den nordischen Säulenbüchern und Vorlageblättern des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Stockholm Studies in History of Art I. Stockholm, 1956, pp. 39ff.[7] The cabinet was restored in 1993-94 by John Canonico, Conservator, Department of Objects Conservation, Metropolitan Museum. Damaged shelves in the upper compartment have not been replaced.[8] The accession number of the related cabinet is 05.22.1. Museum: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA.

alb3669616 Bifolium with the Decretals of Gratian. Artist: Style of Master Honore. Culture: French. Dimensions: Binding: 19 × 11 13/16 × 1 in. (48.2 × 30 × 2.5 cm)Folio: 18 9/16 × 11 7/16 in. (47.2 × 29.1 cm)Opening (approx.): 6 1/4 in. × 21 1/16 in. × 19 in. (15.9 × 53.5 × 48.2 cm). Date: ca. 1290.Like the Crucifixion from a Missal, this illuminated bifolium, or double page, ranks with the finest painting produced in thirteenth-century Paris. The bifolium, which formed part of a manual of medieval canon law, the Decretals of Gratian, was compiled by a monk who taught at Bologna in the mid-twelfth century. On the sheet shown here, a gloss, or commentary, written by Bartolomeo of Brescia, frames the central, two-column text block representing the work of Gratian, which is preceded by an illustration of the chapter, or causa.The bifolium incorporates parts of causae 16-19. The miniature signals the beginning of causa 19: "Two clerics wished to transfer to a monastery; both sought permission from their bishop. One left his church against the will of his bishop, the other after having renounced his regular canonicate." The bishop's prerogative is manifest in the miniature: Mitered and enthroned, he holds a crosier and a document with a seal, as he gestures toward two kneeling clerics, who appear to petition him with raised hands. Their facial features and their hair are rendered with a few fine pen strokes. The elegance of line, combined with an almost cartoonlike presentation of the composition, creates an easily legible narrative that is typical of Parisian Gothic manuscript illumination.The leaf is one of two known to have been extracted before 1910 from a manuscript now in the state archives of the Czech Republic at Olomouc (ms. no. C.D. 39). Both sheets have been associated with Maître Honoré, a native of Amiens, whose name has become synonymous with the best illuminations produced in thirteenth-century Paris. There is, however, only one documented manuscript by Honoré and his workshop--a copy of Gratian's Decretals at Tours (Bibl. Mun. ma. 558), dated 1288. It is conceivable that the Metropolitan's bifolium and the Olomouc manuscript also are the work of an illuminator in Honoré's atelier; the illumination for causa 19 of the Tours Decretals has compositional and iconographic elements in common with the Metropolitan's bifolium. Since Honoré himself was only one of a number of prominent Parisian illuminators active at the time, working in close proximity to and in collaboration with one another, the generic similarities to the Tours Decretals help to confirm a date for the Museum's illumination of about 1290 but not its authorship. Museum: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA.